★ TOP 15 BIGGEST WARSHIPS IN THE WORLD 2014 ★ 4570

Paul s note: Now I do not want to scare anyone ...but are we spending our wold taxes to dangerous toys ..that one day will cease to protect us and destroy us...

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Published on Mar 9, 2013

TOP 15 BIGEST WARSHIPS IN THE WORLD 2014

GERALD FORD CLASS AICRAFT CARRIER (USA) 2015
Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carrier (UK) 2018

Nimitz class carrier (USA)

Admiral Kuznetsov-class aircraft carrier (Russia)

Chinese aircraft carrier Liaoning (China)

INS Vikramaditya (India)

Charles de Gaulle Carrier (France)

Wasp Class (USA)

Nae Sao Paulo (brazil)

Cavour carrier (Italy)

Juan Carlos I - Camberra class (Spain - Australia)

Viraat carrier (India)

Invincible class (UK)

Ocean class (UK)

Mistral class (France)

Hyuga class (Japan)

Dokdo class (south Korea)

SUPER AIRCRAFT CARRIER
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2013 final, top 10 aircraft carriers,US NAVY ROYAL NAVY INDIAN NAVY JAPANESE NAVY CHINESE NAVY FRENCH NAVY KOREAN NAVY ARMADA ESPAÑOLA RUSSIAN NAVY RUSSIA CHINA USA UK FRANCE SPAIN ITALY MARINA MILITARE INDIA SOUTH KOREA SKYPWARRIOR, RAMMSTEINTECNOMETAL, MARINA MAXICANA, NASA space
Aircraft Carriers-Modern Warships-Big bigger the worlds Biggest
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BIG BIGGER BIGGEST: aircraft carrier
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BIG BIGGER BIGGEST: aircraft carrier
Big Bigger Biggest Cruise Ship -- Race To Become The Biggest
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Vídeo actualizado a junio de 2012.

las armadas mas poderosas del mundo.
este ranking está basado en:
1º el estudio de las capacidades de alta mar. La guerra de minas y la defensa costera.
2ºdatos de las marinas.
3ºEn la fuerza de escolta, en la capacidad antiaérea. Destaco la capacidad AEGIS de países aliados de los americanos y la capacidad del SA-N-6 ruso. Me parece de una importancia vital destacar la capacidad de estos sistemas para interceptar un ataque de misiles de crucero, hacer control de tráfico aéreo y, quizás en el futuro cercano, la interceptación de un ataque de misiles balísticos y el uso de este sistema de combate en la guerra espacial antisatélite.
4ºEn el aprovisionamiento logístico, únicamente en el aprovisionamiento de combustible en alta mar. Entiendo que el aprovisionamiento de sólidos, munición, etc, se puede realizar con la marina civil (el caso inglés en la guerra de las Malvinas),. en petroleros militares de la capacidad de proyección oceánica y la importancia que tiene ésta en el orden de batalla de una armada.
5ºEn la fuerza submarina entre SSBN (misiles balísticos), SSN (propulsión nuclear) y SS (motor diesel-eléctrico). más importancia a la capacidad nuclear submarina por motivos evidentes.
6ºPoder aéreo y fuerza submarina puntúan triple.
7ºEste ránking en ningún caso indica quién le ganaría la guerra a quién, ya que en combate entran en juego muchos factores que aquí no aparecen reseñados (otras armas, experiencia de combate, si los buques los fabrica o no el propio país, antigüedad de la flota, presencia de bases en el exterior, etc).

"Charles de Gaulle": French Aircraft Carrier / französischer Flugzeugträ...

The nuclear-powered aircraft carrier "Charles de Gaulle" visited the German port of Cuxhaven in April 2012. The vessel is the flag ship of the French navy and took part in a NATO maneuver after the visit.
Der atombetriebene Flugzeugträger "Charles de Gaulle" besuchte im April 2012 Cuxhaven. Das Fahrzeug ist das Flagschiff der französischen Marine und nahm nach dem Besuch in Cuxhaven an einem Nato-Manöver teil.

(1) Megastructures - USS Virginia

The Largest Aircraft Carrier in The World (full video)

Chinese Aircraft Carrier Liaoning Music Video 中国航母 - 《为梦想领跑》宣传片

4560

Chinese Aircraft Carrier Liaoning Music Video 辽宁舰歼15舰载机编队训练MV《飞鲨》 高清 航母MV

Both videos were produced by the state-owned Aviation Industry
Corporation of China (AVIC), which held an official release ceremony in Beijing to showcase the films. At the ceremony, AVIC Spokesman Zhu Hongbin explained the purpose behind the videos. According to Zhu, as quoted by People’s Daily [Chinese],
they were made to increase patriotism enthusiasm, to attract more youngChinese to dedicate themselves to China’s aircraft and aircraft carrierdevelopment projects, and to more generally encourage young Chinese to realize the “Chinese Dream.”
Later, Zhu added that the video was supposed to advance Chinese
people’s understanding of developments in the national security
industry, as well as boosting their nationalistic self-confidence and
self-esteem. Quite a tall order for two videos, each running under seven minutes.

Zhu also tried to claim the video as a step forward in military
transparency. Zhu said that the video creators spent time living with
the aircraft carrier personnel, coming to understand their daily
routines. The video, he said, was an artistic representation of what
actually happens on the carrier. I doubt this is the sort of military transparency
U.S. government officials had in mind, but perhaps that’s not the
point. Zhu seemed more concerned with domestic transparency —allowing the Chinese people themselves a glimpse of the national defense industry’s latest achievements.

Of course, although Zhu didn’t mention it, there’s also an underlying profit motive. AVIC was in charge of refitting the Liaoning after it was purchased from Ukraine, so shining a glamorous spotlight on the carrier reflects well on AVIC. The company also manufactures the carrier-based J-15 aircraft, known as the “Flying Shark,” which are featured heavily in the videos. AVIC even dedicated the videos to all the workers toiling anonymously on China’s aircraft carrier project—a designation that, coincidentally, would include many of AVIC’s own
employees.

So how does one make a music video showcasing an aircraft carrier? Take plenty of glamor shots of Liaoning from afar, particularly when the carrier is bathed in the glow of a sunset. Add footage of handsome men (presumably sailors) working out on the Liaoning’s deck. And of course, the piece de resistance, showcase aircraft actually taking off from the deck and soaring through the air before coming back in for a landing. Finally, add a soaring soundtrack where the singer belts out hyperbolic phrases like “the ocean is surging power” and “sweat endlessly reaps the reward of glory.”


The lyrics of the music video are pretty standard calls to patriotism. The words both extol those who already give their sweat and
blood for China and encourage the country to reach still higher in its quest to fulfill the China dream. The video ends with several lines of text just in case viewers somehow missed the point: “Our homeland will ultimately choose those who are loyal to it. Our homeland will ultimately remember those who dedicate themselves to it. We pay our respects to those heroes who have worked their hearts out for China’s aircraft carrier.”


What’s different is obviously the same thing that attracted worldwide attention in the first place: the inclusion of footage featuring the Liaoning and its sailors. China’s navy has traditionally been relegated to second fiddle, both in the military totem pole and in the popular imagination.

That the Liaoning, perhaps China’s most visible symbol of
national pride, is part of the navy speaks volumes as to the increased stature of this branch of the armed forces. The video is serious PR, not just for Chinese patriotism or even just for the Liaoning, but for the navy as a whole, especially its aviation branch. As one fan of the video told Global Times, the short film “made many people realize that Chinese aircraft could be cool.”


Between these videos and U.S. Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel’s recent tour of the Liaoning (the first ever by a foreign official), China is apparently fully ready to roll out its navy’s pride and joy as a PR tool. As Li Jie, an expert from a prominent Chinese military think tank, told Global Times, “this voluntary display reflects the growing confidence of Chinese military power.” Liaoning was always intended as a visible symbol of China’s new military stature—having an aircraft carrier is a milestone for China to pass on its way to becoming a world-class naval power. Now, a year and a half after the Liaoning was commissioned, China is finally comfortable enough with its new toy to start really showing it off.

Moscow Takes Ukraine, Beijing Takes Mongolia?

Foreign Policy ASSOCIATION

http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2014/04/25/moscow-takes-ukraine-beijing-takes-mongolia/

China's Foreign Policy

 

                

by Gary Sands  |  on April 25th, 2014  |  0 comments

map: ChinaSmack

Tensions escalated in eastern Ukraine on Thursday, as Ukrainian forces killed up to five pro-Moscow separatist rebels, and Russia launched army drills near the border in response, raising fears its troops would invade.

The Ukrainian action took place to recapture territory from the rebels, who have seized swaths of eastern Ukraine since April 6 and proclaimed an independent “People’s Republic of Donetsk,” and marks the first time Kiev’s troops have used lethal force against the rebels.


The events are being closely followed by nations around the world, with many leaders denouncing Russia’s actions to change the status quo. International sanctions have been imposed on Russia, and on Thursday, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said that unless Moscow takes immediate steps to de-escalate the situation, Washington will impose additional sanctions.

Moreover, fears are growing Russia will not be content solely with changing the borders of Ukraine but will look farther afield. NATO’s top military commander argues Moscow may target other Russian-speaking regions, notably another ex-Soviet republic, Moldova, and Transnistria, a breakaway state that declared independence from Moldova in 1990.

Though Moscow’s ambassador to the European Union, Vladimir Chizhov, denied Russia has “expansionist views,” should Moscow continue to annex territory, it could set a very bad precedent for how other nations might act in future.


One nation that may be watching the events in Ukraine more closely than others is China. China has several active border disputes with its neighbors, including arguments over territorial waters in the East and South China Seas.

So far Beijing has acted in a pesky but restrained fashion, establishing an air defense zone that wasn’t taken too seriously, sending military ships into disputed waters in a show of force or as a blockade, and using water hoses to fire on fishing boats from neighboring countries.


Beijing’s reaction to the Ukraine crisis so far has been confusing and muted. When the U.N. Security Council called an emergency vote just prior to the referendum in Crimea, Beijing abstained from voting, falling back on its policy of non-interference and choosing not to antagonize its only ally on the Council. Reactions to Beijing’s abstention by the Chinese active on Weibo and WeChat, two of China’s microblogging platforms, was immediate and spirited.

In Beijing’s refusal to condemn the referendum, Chinese netizens pointed to the hypocrisy of Beijing’s foreign policy, given its expected divergent reaction should the populations of Taiwan, Tibet or Xinjiang choose to hold a referendum on independence.

As expected, the matter is no longer being discussed on Weibo, after all comments linking the Crimean referendum with Xinjiang, Taiwan or Tibetan independence were deleted.


Much foreign policy punditry has already focused on the above-mentioned territories and their quest for independence. But now that Putin has opened up Pandora’s Box, what if China decided to annex territory it had long lost? Mongolia is one such large area of territory, ruled by the Manchurians during the Qing Dynasty.

Following the collapse of the Qing Dynasty, the Mongols established the Temporary Government of Khalkha in November 1911, and in December, Mongolia declared independence from the Qing Dynasty, ending 220 years of Manchurian rule.

Eventually Mongolia came under Soviet influence, becoming a Soviet satellite newly proclaimed as the Mongolian People’s Republic in 1924.

When the Soviet Union threatened to further seize parts of Inner Mongolia from China in 1945, China chose to set aside its claims and back a referendum on Outer Mongolia’s independence.

The referendum, which took place in October 1945, resulted in 100 percent of the electorate voting for independence.
How would Beijing go about the annexation of Mongolia?

President Xi Jinping would likely begin by sending welcoming signals to Ulaanbaatar that should Mongolia chose to hold a referendum on rejoining China, he would support the outcome. Prior to the referendum, Chinese troops would amass near the border of Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, awaiting further orders in case the Chinese population needs to be protected. International condemnation would surely follow, although given Beijing’s greater economic power, and Russia’s current status as one of the most hated nations, the penalties would likely be less harsh.

Beijing would draw the wrath of Moscow, but Moscow would face territorial battles on two fronts simultaneously.


Of course, the above scenario is fanciful, given the ethnic makeup of most Mongolians and their fierce nationalism in opposition to the rule of Beijing. Ethnic Mongols account for about 95 percent of the population and consist of Khalkha and other groups – all speaking some dialect of the Mongol language, and support for a referendum along Putin’s model would fail miserably.

Further, the Mongolians have a strong sense of nationhood and have fiercely opposed recent land grabs by Chinese companies.

 Yet Putin’s strategy of annexation might make more sense in areas where a Chinese-speaking minority find themselves under oppressive foreign rule. Other than Mongolia, China currently claims territory administered by Russia, India, Japan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Myanmar and Bhutan, as well as numerous islands in the East and South China Seas claimed by Japan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam, Taiwan and Brunei.


Given the possibility that Putin’s expansionist policy should expand, U.S. President Barack Obama and European leaders should continue to pressure Moscow to restrain its aggression, and further press Beijing to condemn the Crimea referendum and to give assurance it will stand behind its policy of “peaceful rise.”

While Beijing may never condemn the actions of its sole ally on the U.N. Security Council, Beijing will need to give the international community reassurances that what Putin has engineered in the Crimea will not now be regarded as fair play and copied by Beijing in order to assert any one of its disputed territorial claims in the region.