Mapping Erik Prince’s Private Mercenary Empire

Mapping Erik Prince’s Private Mercenary Empire

Mapping Erik Prince’s Private Mercenary Empire

Ty JoplinTy Joplin     



https://www.albawaba.com/news/mapping-erik-prince’s-private-mercenary-empire-1127822?fbclid=IwAR1JSiZHmnVPa-ZhonpwUsiaJ_DKvcY40pkGuvfI8t8vh2fd_rcDuNbI94c

• Erik Prince is the modern architect of private military firms
• His latest venture is in training security personnel in China
• But he's been all over the world, outsourcing militaries to cheap labor markets
• Al Bawaba has provided a partial map to track Erik Prince's activities over the years
•  

Erik Prince, the brain behind the infamous private military firm Blackwater, is now in China training security forces.

Prince is partially responsible for modernizing the
private army for the post 9/11 world, outsourcing militaries to cheap,
specialized labor pools and skirting traditional regulations meant to
ensure accountability for armed forces.

His journey from hiring mercenaries to help bolster

the U.S. occupation in Iraq to China is long, dizzying and includes
stops around the world to train Colombian mercenaries to help make a
private army for the U.A.E. and outfitting crop duster planes with
missiles to be fired at Armenians.

He has become a global figure, roaming between conflicts zones to sell various governments his expertise on private armies.

To document his journey thus far, Al Bawaba has
compiled a partial list of countries/regions in or for which he has done
business.

United States

Prince’s trip around the world starts in the United States.

Born in an affluent Michigan family, his family
maintained deep ties to the Republican establishment and several
conservative, religious organizations like American Values. His sister,
Betsy DeVos, married into one of the most influence political families
in the Midwest, the DeVos’s, and began helping to run the Republican
party machine in Michigan.

That marriage, which tied the Prince and DeVos family
together, has given Erik unprecedented political access into the
federal government. His list of close allies including Steve Bannon,
U.S. President Donald Trump’s former chief strategist. His sister gives
him a direct line of access to Trump himself.

Erik became a Navy SEAL and then established his own private military firm in 1997, Blackwater.

Once the U.S. invaded Iraq in 2003, Blackwater
received billions in contracts from the U.S. government to help
supplement the official mission with private boots on the ground,
relatively free from accountability or laws from any particular
government.

Iraq

Damaged and bloodied car in Nissour Square, Iraq, 2007 after the Blackwater massacre (AFP/FILE)

Blackwater’s activities in Iraq are infamous and account for Prince’s self-imposed exile from the United States.

Apart from harassing Iraqi civilians and running them
off of roads with their armored personnel carriers, they also
indiscriminately gunned down 14 innocent people in Baghdad in 2007,
drawing an investigation and heavy criticism from media outlets around
the world.

The incident stands as a cautionary tale for when
mercenary groups such as Blackwater are able to operate without
sufficient legal or logistical oversight. Facing a wave of scrutiny,
Prince left Blackwater and the firm changed its name twice (to Xe and
then Academi) to escape the heat.

Many thought they had seen the end of Erik Prince, but he resurfaced later at the helm of a different private military company.

U.A.E.

A satellite image of the camp in the U.A.E.  built to
train Prince’s 800-member mercenary battalion (Google Earth/New York
Times)

In 2011, Erik Prince was appointed by the crown
prince of Abu Dhabi to make a secret, private army. For this, he was
paid $529 million.

In documents
obtained by the New York Times, the mission of this privately
commissioned battalion included “intelligence gathering, urban combat,
the securing of nuclear and radioactive materials, humanitarian missions
and special operations ‘to destroy enemy personnel and equipment,’ and
crowd-control.

Prince hired Colombians and nationals of other
countries thousands of miles away to fill his ranks from two reasons.
First, Prince was looking to pay them as little as possible. Second,
they weren’t Muslims. Prince surmised that Muslims could not be trusted
to kill other Muslims.

A few years later in 2015, Saudi Arabia began its
military intervention in Yemen and recruited a host of other Arab
nations to join its coalition. Abu Dhabi’s crown prince, business
partner to Erik Prince, Sheik Mohamed bin Zayed al-Nahyan, signed up for
the cause in order to destroy any creeping Iranian influence in the
war-torn nation.

Yemen

Erik Prince and his U.A.E. private military firm
helped recruit and train over 1,000 soldiers from Latin American
countries. Then, their bodies started appearing on battlefields in
Yemen.

A single missile reportedly killed 45 mercenaries from the U.A.E.

Prince’s initial battalion of 800 soldiers had
blossomed into almost 2,000 specialized troops hired mostly from Latin
America to do the U.A.E.’s business.

Although officials say Erik Prince’s formal business
role with the U.A.E. had ended several years before the intervention
into Yemen, his corporate blueprint to partially outsource the U.A.E.’s
military is doubtlessly still in use.

The U.A.E. keeping and even expanding Prince's
blueprint for a private, outsourced army demonstrates just how
influencial he and his mercenary business model has become.

Azerbaijan

A militarily-modified crop duster, called the T-Bird (LASA Engineering)

After his stint in the U.A.E., Prince began doing
more business with Chinese executives at the Frontier Services Group
(FSG), which he heads.

On this new enterprise, Prince said it “is not a patriotic endeavor,” rather, it is intended “to build a great business and make some money doing it.”

Interestingly enough, Prince’s business with FSG took
him to Azerbaijan, where he was paid by the government to help it deal
with its Armenian problem. Armenians are concentrated into Azerbaijan’s
Nagorno-Karabakh region, which seceded from Azerbaijan and formed a
semi-recognized, de facto state.

Azerbaijan called on Erik Prince and FSG to help it
keep watch on the Nagorno-Karabakh region, also called the Republic of
Artsakh. In response. Prince wanted to show the government two crop
duster planes meant for agricultural use but refitted for military
purposes. The planes were meant to be outfitted with state-of-the-art
surveillance technology and were supposedly able to fire missiles.

They never made it to Azerbaijan after an investigation shut the sale down.

This is because the deal may have broken several laws. The Washington Post found
that “executives were concerned that the company might be skirting U.S.
law — known as International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) —
requiring Americans to obtain special permits before defense-related
technology can be transferred to foreign countries.”

In response to this controversial arms trade, all but
two Americans on the FSG executive board quit due to concerns that he
was not serving U.S. interests. This has freed Prince to deal more
closely with the Chinese.

Eastern Africa

FSG’s ‘focus region’ (Frontier Services Group)

FSG’s public focus is on providing security and
logistical help to eastern African countries such as South Sudan, Kenya,
Somalia and the DRC.

“When you want logistics done in Africa, you call
DHL,” said Sean McFate, a former military contractor in Africa and
current expert on mercenaries at the Atlantic Council. “When you want
muscle, you call Erik Prince.”

One of FSG’s ventures appears to help oust the
extremist militant group, Al Shabaab, from southwest Somalia—an area it
has largely controlled for years. “We have brought together strong
international business leaders to team-up with talented Somali
entrepreneurs to make development in South West Somalia a reality,” an
FSG statement reads.

“The project will include an integrated solution of air-land-sea logistics capabilities and advanced security management.”

China

FSG’s headquarters is in Hong Kong, and though it
publicly states that its focus is on eastern Africa, FSG is now reported
to be doing domestic work on behalf of the Chinese government.

FSG is partially owned by CITIC, a Chinese-government
own investment firm. 

CITIC is slowly taking more and more control of
FSG and is reportedly already the dominant shareholder, meaning it has
greater power than Prince to determine the company’s vision and business
deals.

“The Chinese are gradually taking more control” of
the company. CITIC is now playing a larger role as Frontier’s dominant
shareholder, said Xin who heads the International Security Defense
College that trains security personnel and is overseen by FSG.

“Prince’s share is decreasing. The Chinese are in charge, so it won’t matter.”

One of FSG’s most recent missions has been to train
thousands of security personnel in China’s northwest Xinjiang province,
where millions of ethnically Turkic Muslims called Uyghurs live.

Uyghurs are routinely targeted by the state due to
continuous attempts by some to break away from China and form an
independent state.

Thousands of Uyghurs are part of an extremist group
called the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), whose leaders are hiding in
Pakistan and whose members have a heavy presence in Syria fighting
against the Syrian regime.

Human Rights Watch accused
the Chinese government of “deploying a predictive policing program,”
using massive surveillance technology and a web of high-tech
surveillance cameras and compulsory data collection.

They’ve also reportedly sent thousands of Uyghurs to Chinese ‘re-education’ camps.

The Mercenary Prince

Erik Prince (AFP/FILE)

This list only details a few of Erik Prince’s
ventures, and does not include an attempt by Prince to send thousands of
mercenaries into Afghanistan and reform the political structure of the
entire country to essentially be a colony for the United States.

However, Prince has transformed battlefields
everywhere and fundamentally altered the way governments construct
security apparatuses.

Iran is heavily reliant on outsourced Afghani
mercenaries to be cannon fodder in the war in Syria. Russia is
supplementing its own intervention into Syria with mercenaries hired by
the state-backed Wagner Group who also sends troops to Ukraine. To beat
back the nascent extremist group Boko Haram, Nigeria hired private,
Apartheid-era security forces from South Africa to do the job.

Currently Prince appears to be under investigation by
Special Counsel Robert Mueller, thanks to meetings he had arranged with
a close aide to Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, Kirill Dmitriev in
the Seychelles Islands, a place its own government explains is
“the kind of place where you can have a good time away from the media.”
The meeting was allegedley to set up a backchannel between Trump and
Russia in order to facilitate clandestine communications.

McFate told Al Bawaba that Prince’s use of
mercenaries allows countries to enter into and escalate conflicts
without having to report it to their citizens; his tactic gives
governments “plausible deniability” to anything that the mercenaries do.

According to Dr. P.J. Brendese, a professor at Johns
Hopkins University and expert on democratic accountability, private
military firms “have greater independence to exercise their own
prerogatives and 'we the people' don't get a say. That's the most
dangerous thing, because they're profiting--their motivation is not God
and country; their motive is money."