Russia Will Go to War With Canada Because of THIS… #Canada #Arctic #oil #fishing #security #NAVY

..Russia and Canada are locked in a high-stakes contest over the Arctic, a region rich with untapped resources and strategic importance. From oil reserves to vital shipping routes, the melting ice has revealed opportunities—and sparked tensions. Russia’s bold territorial claims and growing military presence challenge Canada’s sovereignty and influence. #militarystrategy #militarydevelopments #militaryanalysis #themilitaryshow

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Russia and Canada. Two nations separated by  oceans, yet bound by a chilling tension across  

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the Arctic. For years, their relationship  has been rocky, marked by rigid diplomacy  

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and wary standoffs. But what started as merely  icy stares across frozen waters has now evolved  

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into something far more intense. Something  that promises to transform this chess game  

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played in shadows and sub-zero temperatures into  a full-scale confrontation. Into a war. But what’s  

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pushing these two northern giants toward an armed  conflict? We’ve got all the answers in this video.  

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Now, if all those ice-cold metaphors didn’t give  it away already…yes, it’s the Arctic Ocean that’s  

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at the heart of this brewing conflict. Simply put,  Russia wants control over more of the Arctic Ocean  

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than any nation has ever claimed. That’s why, in  April of 2021, Moscow submitted a bold request to  

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the United Nations to extend its Arctic territory  by over 270,000 square miles. If granted, this  

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would stretch Russia’s influence right to Canada’s  exclusive economic zone (also known as the EEZ)  

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limits – essentially, Canada’s front yard.  Under international law, EEZs grant each country  

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sovereign rights over a 200-nautical-mile stretch  of ocean from their shores. Within this zone,  

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countries control resource extraction, drilling,  and, to a degree, shipping routes. But Russia’s  

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claim went far beyond just bumping up against  Canada’s EEZ – it would extend over entire  

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sections of Canada’s continental shelf, and also  include areas claimed by Denmark. A maximalist  

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move, as Canadian experts call it. To some,  this was Russia “playing by the rules,” testing  

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boundaries with scientific claims and hoping to  nudge Canada, Denmark, and other Arctic nations  

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into negotiating boundaries. But for Canada,  Russia’s move was more than a nudge. It was  

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a direct challenge to its Arctic sovereignty. By  2023, this standoff only intensified. In February,  

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the U.N. Commission on the Limits of the  Continental Shelf approved most of Russia’s  

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claim to the Arctic Ocean’s seabed, including the  highly-contested Lomonosov Ridge – a strategic  

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area stretching toward Canada and Greenland.  Though Canada and Denmark filed overlapping  

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claims, they’re unlikely to be addressed for  years, effectively giving Russia the upper hand.  

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Of course, Russia fully embraced this. Admiral  Nikolai Yevmenov, the commander-in-chief of the  

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Russian Navy at the time, made the country’s  intentions crystal clear. According to him,  

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Russia needed “full-scale expansion into the  continental shelf.” The goal? Control over nearly  

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70% of the Arctic Ocean. Russia also used the fact  that the world’s attention was focused on Ukraine  

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to secure power and influence over the North  – a dramatic flex of strength that underscores  

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its Arctic ambitions. As a consequence of these  moves, Canada finds itself in an urgent struggle,  

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bracing for potential long-term confrontation in  one of Earth’s last frontiers. But why? Why would  

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two of the world’s largest nations risk so much  over what seems like a frozen wasteland? Because  

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of what lies beneath the ice – vast oil and gas  reserves, strategic waterways, and essential  

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resources that could shift the balance of power  for decades to come. According to a 2008 U.S.  

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Geological Survey, at least 90 billion barrels  of oil and 1,669 trillion cubic feet of natural  

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gas lie under the Arctic Ocean. If Russia were to  gain control over these resources, its potential  

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revenue could exceed $7.4 trillion. For a nation  where oil and gas make up about 20% of GDP and  

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as much as 60% of export revenues, securing  these Arctic resources isn’t just desirable;  

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it’s essential. Without access to the Arctic’s  wealth, Russia’s economic stability is at risk,  

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a threat that has bolstered President Vladimir  Putin’s determination to lay claim to as much of  

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the Arctic as possible. In his words, the Arctic  waters must be protected “by all means.” And based  

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on Russia’s military posturing in the Arctic, it’s  clear that the country is quite serious about this  

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commitment. But more on that later. For now, let’s  further discuss what makes the Arctic so appealing  

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to the two potential combatants. After all, energy  resources are only one part of Russia’s interest  

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in the Arctic. You see, global warming is melting  the Arctic ice, which pushes valuable fish stocks  

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northward as new waters open up to commercial  fishing. This trend is crucial for Russia because  

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approximately one-third of all fish harvested  in the country already comes from Arctic waters,  

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making it a critical food source. Given that  400,000 Russians were identified as severely food  

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insecure between 2019 and 2021, fishing rights  are not just economic but a national security  

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priority. Expanding Russia’s Arctic fishing  zones could help address food shortages in a  

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nation where remote regions rely heavily on marine  resources for sustenance. But the Arctic is more  

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than a resource bank for energy and food. It’s  also home to the Northern Sea Route (or NSR) and  

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the Northwest Passage (or NWP). The former is a  key waterway along Russia’s northern coast, which  

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offers the Kremlin a strategic opportunity to  control a critical artery for shipping. As Arctic  

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ice recedes, Russia hopes to convert this route  into a competitive corridor that could rival the  

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Suez Canal for Asia-Europe trade by 2035. In 2020,  the Kremlin outlined an ambitious Arctic strategy  

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emphasizing the NSR as central to its plans for  expanding Russia’s economic and geopolitical  

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influence. Increased traffic along this route  would not only generate shipping fees but also  

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deepen Russian influence over global trade. With  control over the NSR, Russia could expand its  

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export market to Asia, an attractive option that  would lessen reliance on European customers – a  

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relationship already strained by Western  sanctions after the invasion of Ukraine. As  

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for the Northwest Passage, it’s a treasure trove  waiting to be unlocked. A legendary route that  

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has eluded explorers for centuries, the NWP is now  poised to become a maritime reality. And what does  

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this new reality entail? Cutting shipping routes  by over 4,350 miles. That’s what the NWP promises.  

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As such, this revolutionary passage could redefine  global trade, making the arduous journeys between  

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the Americas, Europe, and Asia far more efficient.  But why now? Why is the NWP becoming a reality  

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just now? Two words: climate change. As Arctic  temperatures soar, ice that once blocked these  

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waterways is disappearing at an alarming rate.  How alarming? Well, the Arctic is warming at a  

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rate twice that of any other region, so the NWP  could soon be free from its icy chains. By 2050,  

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we may witness entirely ice-free summers, ushering  in a new era of navigation. This means that the  

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dream of a reliable shipping route is no longer  a distant fantasy – though at a large cost to  

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the planet. For Russia, the NWP represents an  untapped potential. As the country bolsters its  

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Atlantic capabilities, it sees the NWP as a key to  unlocking greater access to trade routes. With the  

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ice melting, Russia’s ambitions only intensify.  If Moscow manages to assert control over this  

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passage, it could dominate the entire northern  maritime trade. This would allow Russia to dictate  

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terms and access to vital shipping lanes. But not  so fast. There’s a major obstacle in Russia’s path  

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to dominance: Canada. And Canada stands resolute.  The NWP is within Canada’s territorial grasp. The  

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Prince of Wales Strait and the M’Clure Strait –  two critical components of the NWP – are seen as  

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extensions of Canadian territory. So, for the  country, the passage isn’t just about trade;  

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it’s a matter of sovereignty. However, Canada  also knows that its claims of sovereignty will  

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come under fire as the NWP transitions from myth  to reality. But the NWP isn’t the only point of  

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contention for Canada. Arctic resources could  also funnel billions of dollars into Canada’s  

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economy and potentially secure its future  as an energy powerhouse. In Canada’s view,  

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Russia’s bid for control directly threatens  Canadian sovereignty and the prospect of  

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tapping into these reserves. Given that Russia  already controls 53% of the Arctic coastline,  

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Canada sees these extension efforts as a blatant  overreach. Beyond energy and sovereignty, Canada’s  

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fishing industry would also benefit from expanded  access to the Arctic. Securing more fishing waters  

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could support northern communities and help ensure  long-term food security. Canada argues that it,  

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too, has a historical claim to Arctic territories,  particularly those contiguous to its EEZ. The  

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competition for Arctic sovereignty underscores  deep-rotted differences between Canada and Russia,  

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but it’s only part of the larger picture.  The geopolitical shifts in the 2020s have  

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also exacerbated tensions between Russia and  Canada. Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine,  

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seven members of the eight-member Arctic Council,  which was chaired by Russia at the time, announced  

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a boycott of any Russia-led talks. Historically,  this council included both Russia and Canada as  

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key members. However, these diplomatic ties  sharply weakened for two reasons that went  

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beyond the invasion of Ukraine itself. First was  Canada’s military assistance to Ukraine and second  

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was Russia’s military activities in the Arctic  under the backdrop of growing NATO presence along  

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its borders. Let’s tackle Canada and Ukraine’s  relationship first. In response to Russia’s  

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aggression, Canada made significant contributions  to Ukraine, totaling almost $9 billion in  

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financial assistance. The aid was crucial for  the Ukrainian government to continue operating,  

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delivering essential services and pensions to its  citizens. Canada provided $4.86 billion through  

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the International Monetary Fund, along with $360  million in direct bilateral loans. Furthermore,  

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at the 2024 G7 Summit, Canada’s Prime Minister  Justin Trudeau announced a remarkable $5 billion  

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(in Canadian dollars) to help accelerate  future revenues from frozen Russian assets,  

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amounting to an estimated $69 billion (also in  Canadian dollars), which is approximately $50  

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billion U.S. In addition to financial aid, Canada  committed to over $258 million in humanitarian  

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aid. This funding supported emergency health  services and essential life-saving initiatives,  

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such as shelter and food distribution for  displaced populations. Security and stabilization  

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support also saw a significant escalation, with  Canada committing approximately $151 million to  

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bolster Ukraine’s defense capabilities after the  full-scale invasion began. This included $16.2  

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million dedicated to demining and explosive  ordnance disposal efforts. Notably, over $14  

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million was aimed at enhancing Ukraine’s ability  to counter threats from chemical, biological,  

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radiological, and nuclear weapons. Furthermore,  almost $3 million was directed to strengthen  

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the National Police of Ukraine, reflecting a  comprehensive approach to ensuring stability.  

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Although Canada’s humanitarian and economic  assistance to Ukraine demonstrates a profound  

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commitment to helping it maintain its sovereignty,  the most dangerous aspect of this involvement lies  

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in the military aid provided. In a little over two  and a half years, military donations from Canada  

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totaled $3.2 billion, a significant investment  that fueled Ukraine’s defense. This aid included  

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long-range weapons. However, for a long time,  Ukraine wasn’t allowed to use these long-range  

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weapons to strike Russian soil to prevent further  escalation. But this changed in 2024, with Trudeau  

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arguing that strikes deep inside Russia are  essential for preventing further assaults on  

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civilian infrastructure. This bold support raised  the stakes significantly, as Russia interpreted  

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these long-range strikes as a provocative  escalation. Putin cautioned that allowing Ukraine  

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to strike targets within Russian territory could  lead to a confrontation between NATO countries and  

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Russia. And given Russia’s history of fabricating  justifications for its military aggression,  

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one must wonder – what’s to stop it from doing the  same against Canada? This concern is heightened by  

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Russia’s increasing military activities in the  Arctic – the second reason why the diplomatic  

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relationship between the two countries has  all but crumbled. Over the past decade or so,  

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Russia has ramped up its military presence in the  Arctic Circle, positioning itself as a formidable  

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force amid escalating geopolitical tensions.  Moscow’s aggressive stance reflects its ambitions  

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to control Arctic resources and shipping routes  while reinforcing its military infrastructure. The  

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Northern Fleet, stationed primarily on the Kola  Peninsula, plays a pivotal role in this strategy,  

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housing eight of the Russian Navy’s 16 ballistic  missile submarines. These submarines are Delta IV  

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and Borei-class vessels, and they can carry a  deadly arsenal. Each Delta IV is equipped to hold  

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16 SS-N-23 Sineva submarine-launched ballistic  missiles (SLBMs) alongside the SS-N-15 Starfish,  

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an anti-submarine missile, providing both nuclear  and defensive capabilities. The Borei-class  

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submarines are even more formidable, each armed  with 16 SS-N-32 Bulava SLBMs, the latest in  

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Russian missile technology designed to evade  missile defenses and deliver nuclear payloads.  

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So, it’s no wonder that this fleet is essential  for Russia’s security, forming a cornerstone  

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of the country’s nuclear deterrent. The  Northern Fleet’s importance in the region  

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was also underscored by significant organizational  changes, including its elevation to Russia’s fifth  

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Military District. This reorganization reflects  a heightened commitment to bolster the Arctic  

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defense – or offense – capabilities. In 2014,  Russia established an Arctic joint strategic  

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command specifically aimed at enhancing protection  for military installations across the NSR. This  

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included the creation of new Arctic brigades  equipped with advanced military technologies. Fast  

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forward a decade, and the fleet has grown to over  450 armored personnel carriers, artillery systems,  

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and a variety of cross-country vehicles ready  for deployment. This restructuring isn’t just  

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a symbolic gesture. It’s a clear indication that  Russia is preparing for potential conflicts over  

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the Arctic’s vast resources. This preparation also  entails establishing military bases throughout  

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the Arctic. Since 2005, Russia has reopened at  least 10 Soviet-era military bases in the Arctic,  

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bringing these once-neglected facilities  back into operational status. These bases,  

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such as those on Wrangel Island, Cape Schmidt, and  Kotelny Island, have been modernized to host a new  

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generation of military assets, including  upgraded ships and advanced air defense  

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systems. But the Russian modernization efforts  don’t just stop at military bases. As part of  

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the Northern Fleet’s upgrade, new naval surface  combatants are also being introduced, along with  

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more sophisticated missile and artillery units.  The fleet now includes multiple brigade combat  

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teams and a motorized infantry brigade, which  enhances its ground capabilities. As of 2019,  

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the Northern Fleet was reported to have 37 surface  vessels, including 10 operational large vessels  

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and the Admiral Kuznetsov aircraft carrier,  the only one of its kind in the Russian Navy.  

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Although this carrier has faced significant  operational challenges, it remains a powerful  

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symbol of Russia’s naval ambitions. The fleet also  includes advanced Kirov-class missile cruisers,  

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Slava-class guided missile destroyers, and  Gorshkov-class frigates, all of which are equipped  

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with sophisticated anti-ship and air defense  systems. The fleet’s air defense systems have also  

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seen significant upgrades, with the deployment of  long-range S-400 and S-300 anti-aircraft systems  

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at strategic locations like the Kola Peninsula  and the New Siberian Islands. The establishment of  

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dual-use facilities – designed for both civilian  and military purposes – further bolsters Russia’s  

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capacity to project power throughout the Arctic.  And that’s not all. The introduction of over 50  

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new icebreakers, including nuclear-powered  vessels, significantly enhances Russia’s  

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operational capability in Arctic waters. To put  this figure into perspective, all you need to  

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know is that the U.S. and China each have only two  operational diesel-powered icebreakers. Russia’s  

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impressive fleet allows for year-round access to  the NSR, enabling not only military operations  

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but also the facilitation of commercial shipping  and energy exploration in previously inaccessible  

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areas. On the air combat front, Russia has  established four major air units in the Arctic.  

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At Severomorsk, the fleet operates the 279th  Shipborne Fighter Regiment with approximately 24  

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Su-33 fighter jets and the 100th Shipborne Fighter  Regiment with 24 MiG-29K fighters. Additionally,  

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the 98th Mixed Air Regiment at Monchegorsk  operates an estimated 12 MiG-31BMs, 12 Su-24Ms,  

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and reconnaissance aircraft. This diverse array of  air assets enables Russia to maintain a robust air  

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presence in the Arctic, ensuring rapid response  capabilities in the event of a military conflict.  

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Regular demonstrations of these capabilities,  such as flights from Nagurskoye to the North Pole,  

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serve to intimidate and signal resolve to NATO  nations. But believe it or not, the list goes  

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on. Among the most concerning developments in  the Arctic region are Russia’s advancements  

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in missile technology. The Kremlin is actively  developing hypersonic missiles like the Zircon,  

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which can reportedly travel at speeds exceeding  nine times the speed of sound. These missiles  

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have also been successfully tested in Arctic  waters and are viewed as a game-changer in the  

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realm of missile defense. The integration of  hypersonic missiles into Russia’s arsenal not  

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only enhances its offensive capabilities but  also complicates NATO’s defensive strategies,  

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which rely on more traditional missile detection  and interception methods. Unfortunately,  

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there’s nothing traditional or predictable  about Russia’s military efforts in the  

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Arctic. In addition to the extensive military  modernization and infrastructure developments,  

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Russia’s military activities in this region  have also been characterized by a sophisticated  

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approach to domain awareness and electronic  warfare. The Kremlin has reportedly deployed  

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advanced radar systems, including the Rezonans-N,  to key strategic locations such as Novaya Zemlya,  

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the Kanin Peninsula, and Indiga. These radar  systems are designed to enhance Russia’s  

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surveillance capabilities. It’s asserted that  they can detect hypersonic missiles and stealth  

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aircraft. The Rezonans-N systems, along with other  Sopka-2 radar systems installed at airbases like  

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Temp, Nagurskoye, and Rogachevo, provide Russia  with a significant advantage in monitoring Arctic  

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airspace. While the precise capabilities of these  radar systems remain somewhat ambiguous, some  

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Russian sources claim that they possess advanced  over-the-horizon detection capabilities. However,  

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it remains uncertain whether these systems can  provide early enough warning against stealth  

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aircraft to facilitate effective interception.  Additionally, a dual-use air-surveillance radar  

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station on Graham Bell Island adds another layer  of monitoring, showcasing Russia’s comprehensive  

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approach to securing its Arctic interests.  In the realm of electronic warfare, Russia  

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has established centers in Severomorsk, Kamchatka,  and Primorsky Krai. These facilities are equipped  

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with advanced systems that can facilitate  anti-submarine warfare and disrupt maritime  

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communications. Russia’s military doctrine places  significant emphasis on electronic warfare as  

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a means of gaining a battlefield advantage,  meaning they could employ the technology to  

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jam Western communications and radars, thereby  confusing adversaries and complicating their  

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decision-making processes. Such capabilities  can serve both offensive and defensive purposes,  

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allowing Russia to maintain operational security  while undermining the effectiveness of NATO forces  

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in the region. The escalation of military  exercises has also marked a significant  

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development in Arctic security dynamics. In  2024 alone, the Arctic Military Activity Tracker  

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found over a dozen instances of Russian military  exercises or training taking place in the region.  

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These developments indicate that the Arctic is  becoming an arena of intense military competition.  

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And the activity could easily transform into an  armed clash. What’s particularly troubling for  

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this scenario is the perceived inaction of NATO  and Canada in the region. As several military  

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experts have noted, NATO’s current footprint in  the Arctic lags behind Russia’s by approximately  

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a decade. A decade that might be the difference  between peace and peril. According to Ketil Olsen,  

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a former Norwegian military representative in  NATO, the situation is dire: “The Arctic is  

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currently a dark area on the map... It’s so vast  and with few civilian surveillance resources.”  

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This stark assessment highlights the urgent need  for enhanced monitoring and defense capabilities  

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in a region that is increasingly becoming a focal  point of geopolitical tension. The challenges  

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posed by Russia’s military buildup are compounded  by the fact that the West has not prioritized its  

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own Arctic capabilities. General Glen VanHerck,  a retired U.S. Air Force general and former chief  

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of the U.S. Northern Command, emphasized  the need for improved “domain awareness”  

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in the Arctic to counter Russian and Chinese  threats. During a Senate hearing in early 2022,  

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he pointed out that, “What you can’t see and  what you can’t determine, you can’t defend  

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from.” This sentence perfectly summarizes the  critical gap in surveillance and intelligence  

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capabilities that could limit the West’s response  time in the event of a crisis. But even after a  

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crisis struck – Russia’s invasion of Ukraine  – the response from the Arctic allies has been  

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slow. Canada pledged to increase military spending  by $10 billion to bolster its Arctic defenses,  

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including upgrades to early warning radar systems  and the acquisition of new surveillance planes  

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capable of detecting submarines. However, the  first of these planes won’t be delivered until  

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2032, and retired Canadian Defence Chief General  Wayne Eyre has acknowledged that they “will take  

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decades to be ready.” This timeline is more than  troubling, especially considering that Russia’s  

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military efforts in the Arctic continue to evolve.  Unfortunately, the current military situation in  

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the Arctic is no less troubling than the future  one. According to analysts, the current military  

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balance in the region is heavily weighted in favor  of Russia. The Kremlin’s network of bases inside  

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the Arctic Circle outnumbers NATO’s by about  a third. This reality reflects a significant  

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strategic disadvantage for NATO and Canada,  raising questions about their preparedness to  

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effectively counter any Russian aggression in the  region. But what does Canada think of all of this?  

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Well, for one, the Canadian military undoubtedly  recognizes the threat posed by Russia. That’s  

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why the country has been framed as Canada’s  main enemy, alongside China. A 2023 military  

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document outlined the Canadian Forces’ need to  adapt in preparation for a long-term conflict  

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with these nations, echoing sentiments similar to  those expressed by NATO and the Pentagon. Retired  

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Defence Chief Eyre emphasized the seriousness of  the situation: “We must remember that Russia and  

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China do not differentiate between peace and  war. The hostile intentions and actions of our  

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adversaries show that they consider themselves to  be at war with the West.” Eyre’s acknowledgment  

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reflects a broader understanding that the  security landscape has shifted dramatically  

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and necessitates a robust response. And yet,  Canada still seems to be scrambling to respond  

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appropriately. Experts argue that Canada has been  slow to respond to hostile actions partly because  

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of the belief that lack of actual fighting has  made urgent preparations unnecessary. Eyre’s  

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employment concept paper bluntly states, “The  absence of armed conflict between Canada and  

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its adversaries has, at times, left the country  in general, and the [Canadian Armed Forces] in  

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particular, slow to respond to hostile actions.”  There’s no doubt about it – this complacency must  

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change as the threats posed by Russia escalate.  That’s why Canada’s military leadership advocates  

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for a whole-of-government approach to address  the defense challenges, emphasizing the need  

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for the rapid adoption of artificial intelligence  in military operations. The AI would have various  

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applications in the military, from event  prediction to supporting decision-making,  

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showcasing a forward-thinking strategy that  seeks to enhance Canada’s military capabilities.  

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However, as Canada prepares to invest in its  defense more heavily, significant concerns linger  

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about its overall military readiness and the  management of existing resources. Even with the  

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potential of war growing larger with every passing  day, the Canadian Armed Forces emphasize that the  

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country isn’t on a war footing. This sentiment  is echoed by various experts who stress that  

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Canada lacks the necessary Navy, Air Force, and  logistical assets to project power effectively.  

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Let’s take the Canadian military’s current air  capabilities as an example. The Royal Canadian  

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Air Force operates around 263 aircraft, but most  of them are aging, thus falling short of what is  

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required to confront modern threats. At the same  time, Canada’s defense industry is ill-equipped  

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for any potential confrontation. Even worse,  Canada is pretty resistant to the notion of fully  

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mobilizing its defense industry for the brewing  conflict. But this shouldn’t be surprising, given  

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Canada’s history in this department. You see, the  Canadian federal government has avoided developing  

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a comprehensive plan to fully mobilize resources  for a conventional war for decades. This situation  

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was exacerbated during the Cold War and has not  been adequately addressed since. With all this  

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in mind, what can we expect from a Russia-Canada  war? How will Canada fare in this conflict? Well,  

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if Russia decides to attack in the Arctic,  it would probably score a resounding victory,  

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given Canada’s insufficient military  readiness and resource allocation. However,  

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if Russia decided to attack Canada directly,  the outcome would be far from clear-cut. Sure,  

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on paper, Russia boasts a formidable military.  Far more impressive than Canada. However,  

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the lessons from Ukraine illustrate that  sheer numbers do not guarantee success.  

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Plus, the Russo-Ukrainian war exposed significant  weakness within the Russian military, transforming  

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it from a seemingly invincible force into a  laughing stock for the whole world. Of course,  

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the war in Ukraine has also all but destroyed  Russia’s military, with the country reportedly  

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losing roughly 700,000 troops by the end of  2024. Reports indicate that entire battalions  

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have been decimated. One battalion from the 200th  Motorized Rifle Brigade, for example, reportedly  

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lost 645 of its 648 soldiers. The fighting  in Ukraine also led to substantial attrition  

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of armored vehicles, with thousands of tanks,  armored fighting vehicles, artillery systems,  

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and drones confirmed destroyed. Besides lacking  troops and equipment, Russia also has another  

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major challenge to contend with. Logistics.  If Russia attempted an invasion of Canada,  

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the complexity of the logistics involved would be  nothing short of staggering. First and foremost,  

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Russia currently lacks the robust logistical  infrastructure necessary for a straightforward  

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one-on-one conflict. Any Russian military  campaign would likely require traversing vast  

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distances across the ocean, a feat that is already  daunting given their current struggles in Ukraine,  

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which is just next door. Truthfully, the U.S.  might be the only country to genuinely possess  

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these global power projection capabilities.  Speaking of the U.S., the country would  

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almost certainly be dragged into this conflict  immediately, especially if Russia chose to move  

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through Alaska. This would create a two-front war  that Russia would be ill-equipped to handle. Throw  

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the rest of the NATO forces into the mix, and this  war would quickly become a quagmire for Moscow,  

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pulling it into a sprawling, multi-national  standoff it couldn’t possibly sustain. But does  

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this mean Russia wouldn’t start a war against  Canada? Absolutely not. Russia has proven time  

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and time again that the regime’s ambitions  often override logic and caution. And when  

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these ambitions include asserting dominance in  resource-rich and strategically crucial areas,  

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like the Arctic, which could save Russia’s future,  calculated risks seem almost inevitable. So,  

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despite Canada’s reluctance to commit to  a conflict, the country might not have a  

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choice but to go to war with Russia. But how  do you think this war will play out? And is  

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there any chance of avoiding it? Share your  theories in the comments section below. Now  

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go check out Why Is CANADA Russia’s Greatest  THREAT or click this other video instead!